OPINION | SA’s democracy is in crisis

The 2024 South African general elections have produced surprising statistics that hardly live up to a number of expectations and projections made prior to the 29th of May 2024.

The much-anticipated day was characterised by long queues across the country, with the IEC being criticised for not preparing enough for what was promising to be the most contested election cycle.

Social media played a deceptive role, with timelines flooded with election content and awareness that made it look like more and more people were interested in using their vote to illustrate their dismay with the status quo.

Many political parties expressed their confidence in what appeared to be a positive voter turnout when over 27 million registered to vote, the majority being new young voters.

The fall of the ANC became clearer, and these sentiments were captured in slogans such as “2024 is our 1994.”

This moment promised to be a historical turn of events that would usher in politics far more serious about addressing the growing impatience with the current setup. But the 2024 election results and statistics indicate that South Africa is facing a democratic crisis.

Several troubling aspects compel us to question whether democracy can address the contradictions inherent in South African reality. One such aspect being a voter turnout that plummeted from 66.06% in 2019 to 58.57% in 2024.

The fragility of democratic participation is further exposed by the alarming fact that out of an estimated 40 million eligible voters, 27 million registered, but only 16 million actually voted.

The current government is now constituted by the votes of only 38% of the voter population. This glaring data prompts a critical examination of our democratic processes and their capacity to engage and represent the will of the people effectively.

This issue has been ventilated and coined, by some, as a manifestation of political apathy among people who do not resonate with the politics of South Africa.

Many are discouraged by joblessness, lack of access to social and economic capital for opportunities, and evident inequality. This disillusionment, particularly among young people, is blamed on the lack of political will by elected leaders who fail to ensure that government efforts meet the aspirations of the majority living below the poverty line and the stagnant 28 million population reliant on government grants.

While the African National Congress (ANC) has been in decline since the 1999 elections, the current contestation is no longer about challenging the ANC; it is a contest for the alternative. This alternative is clearly not found in the current opposition, which has lost the confidence of voters who would rather abstain than consider them.

Since 1994, each election cycle has birthed new political parties, with breakaway parties such as Congress of The People (Cope) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) directly contributing to the ANC’s decline.

The 2024 elections witnessed the emergence of dramatic new parties such as Zuma’s MK Party (MKP) and the popular Rise Mzansi. The MKP has proven to be a threat to both the ANC and EFF, who are contesting the same voting pool. While it has been obvious that the ANC would drop in numbers, what was hardly predicted, even by credible polls, is a 16% decline that has forced the party to eat humble pie.

The EFF is collateral damage in the rise of the MK Party, which was after ANC votes. No one anticipated the MK Party’s impact, especially its third-place national position with 14% voter confidence.

As for Rise Mzansi, it is surprising that their popularity and vote of confidence from captains of capital hardly translated to the general public.

Rise Mzansi is a key example of a component of the capture of democracy. Despite receiving initial confidence from captains of capital and over 16 million in funding within their first year as a political party, their popularity failed to resonate with the general public.

Their campaign was carried by “new politics” rhetoric, calling for the dismantling of the old guard and traditional political participation. Rise Mzansi portrayed themselves as the vanguard of a new political consciousness.

Yet, the irony is stark: they are financed by puppet masters who have long manipulated South African politics. These funders are deliberate about whom they support and the agendas they advance.

Their funding patterns reveal a clear intent to safeguard market fundamentalist policies that seldom address the needs of the poor majority, thus the Democratic Alliance (DA) is the most funded party, while strategically fracturing votes aimed at radical economic and social transformation.

Parties like Rise Mzansi, ActionSA, and Bosa are complicit in this sabotage of genuine democracy. Big business in South Africa has rarely invested in the systems of democracy.

For instance, when the IEC faced budget cuts of R 281 million by the National Treasury, big business hardly stepped in to fund a voter education programme that could provide people with the information needed to make informed voting decisions.

The schemes of big business in South Africa exemplifies the sentiments of Antonio Gramsci: “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born.”

Gramsci’s analysis resonates deeply with South Africa’s political landscape. The old suppressive white monopoly capital establishment refuses to die, and its hegemony seeks to capture democratic systems for its minority interests, preventing the birth of a new political order that genuinely represents the will and needs of the majority.

This democratic crisis strikes at the very heart of the working class and poor majority, whose aspirations have been hijacked.

While the political elite are settling their sores with our votes, the economic elite ensure that the minority vote, and their vested interests remain solidly protected.

As Noam Chomsky asserts: “Regarding democracy. According to the common-sense meaning, a society is democratic to the extent that people can participate in a meaningful way in managing their affairs. But the doctrinal meaning of democracy is different — it refers to a system in which decisions are made by sectors of the business community and related elites. The public are to be only ‘spectators of action,’ not active critical participants.”

The situation we face demands a political imagination that harnesses the true power of democracy.

As Steve Friedman emphasises, our leaders must no longer engage any interference that undermines the people’s needs and will. We can no longer afford a situation where elected leadership is a mere symptom, not a solution.

If the opposition in South Africa wants to present a credible alternative to the ANC, they must differentiate themselves by engaging in grassroots politics, revitalising vibrant community branches, and fostering collective efforts.

The decline in voter turnout is no coincidence, as communities have become increasingly disengaged. Showing up only during electioneering, without being visible in the community is to make a mockery of people who are tired of being the joke.

A genuine alternative will arise from a political project that organises a new movement, recognising that core democratic principle – citizens must govern themselves, deciding what’s best for their societies through intentional and consistent programmes. Only active political branches in our communities can spark an active citizenry. Written community activist, Lesego Mahlangu, in her personal capacity.